Henry Martin Boies on Communication with Prisoners

face of a prisoner

Henry Martyn Boies teaches how types of communication shape discussion of prisoners’ communication with their families and friends. From early in the nineteenth century, members of the Philadelphia Society for Alleviating the Miseries of Public Prisons personally visited prisoners. Henry Martyn Boies became part of the top governing circle of Pennsylvania prisons late in the nineteenth century. Boies’ thinking on communication reflected new socio-economic developments and new currents in American intellectual life. Boies described prisoners as a separate class of persons and argued against communicating with them.

Boies was highly successful in public life. A graduate of Yale College in 1859, Boies joined his father’s gunpowder firm, Laflin, Boies & Tarck, in 1865. While Boies avoided service in the Civil War, afterwards he commanded the Thirteenth Regimental National Guard of Pennsylvania (1878-1883). He attained the rank of colonel. His first marriage, in 1861, was to Emma Brainerd, the daughter of a prominent Presbyterian minister in Philadelphia. She died in 1868. Bois’ second marriage, in 1870, was to Elizabeth L. Dickson, daughter of the president of the Delaware & Hudson Co. Boies was president of Moosic Powder Company (1869-1882), a founder and director of the Third National Bank (1872-1882), and president of the Dickson Manufacturing Company (1883-1887). All three companies were major businesses. He also was president of the Young Men’s Christian Association (YMCA), a charter member of the Second Presbyterian Church (1874), and one of the organizers and promoters of the Hahnemann Hospital in Philadelphia.^ ^ Boies, in short, participated in the highest ranks of public life in late nineteenth-century America.

Boies became a leading U.S. penologist. In 1887, the Governor of Pennsylvania, one of Boies’ personal friends, appointed Boies to the State Board of Public Charities. The Board’s responsibilities included overseeing penal institutions in Pennsylvania. Boies served on the Board through three successive terms, 1887 to 1902. Drawing on his public stature and his established expertise, Boies wrote two lengthy books on penology. A major New York press published both. Boies’ books were widely studied and acclaimed.

Boies’ first book, published in 1893, was entitled Prisoners and paupers; a study of the abnormal increase of criminals, and the public burden of pauperism in the United States; the causes and remedies. This book presented the then-fashionable perspective of biological evolution and Darwinian fitness. Boies favored exterminating the “abnormal and defective class,” but not directly. Instead, he advocated outlawing marriages with persons of this class, as well as their castration and sterilization. Boies explained:

We believe that the progress of medical and surgical science has opened up such a way entirely practicable, humanitarian in the highest sense, unobjectionable except upon grounds of an absurd and irrational sentiment. The discoveries in the use of anæsthetics and antiseptics have rendered it possible to remove or sterilize the organs of reproduction of both sexes without pain or danger. This is the simplest, easiest, and most effectual solution of the whole difficulty. It promptly and completely stops the horrid breed where it begins and obviates the necessity of permanent seclusion otherwise imperative.^

Beginning in 1907, sterilization laws were enacted in 33 U.S. states. More than 60,000 U.S. citizens were involuntarily sterilized.

In Prisoners and paupers, Boies also endorsed strictly repressing prisoners’ communication. Largely assimilating prisoners, paupers, and the “abnormal and defective class”, Bois declared:

Convicted prisoners should invariably be held in solitary confinement, and secluded from intercourse with the outside world. … Visits by friends and companions of convicts should be strictly prohibited, except by a member of the immediate family, at rare intervals.^

About a century earlier, leading public figure Jonas Hanway had strongly urged suppressing communication among prisoners. Unlike Hanway, Boies explicitly emphasized strictly constraining prisoners’ communication with the outside world. Boies’ primary concern was the effect of prisoners, understood as a specific class of persons, on others not of that class.

Boies’ second book, The Science of Penology (1901), did not specifically address prisoners’ communication. However, The Science of Penology largely translated the views in Prisoners and Paupers into an authoritative style useful in disciplined teaching. Boies’ work reads like modern college textbooks in a variety of disciplines:

Penology may be defined as the science of the protection of society from crime by the repression, reformation and extirpation of criminals. … It is the discovery, formulation, and explanation of the immutable laws which govern and regulate successful action for the defense of society against criminality. This knowledge is now sufficiently extensive and exact, and the consensus of intelligence concerning these laws and principles ample enough, to warrant the presentation of a distinct systems which will constitute a complete and independent science. …The science of Penology… is naturally divided into three departments or sections: Diagnostics, Therapeutics, and Hygienics. … It is a theorem of Penology that criminality is a diseased condition of human character. {italics in original}^

This type of writing readily generates test questions, e.g. 1) define Penology and state its three subdivisions, 2) true or false: criminality is a diseased condition of the human character. Occasionally, however, Boies slips into morally fraught normative analysis more characteristic of U.S. law reviews and women’s studies journals:

In America, the absence of caste and class exclusiveness, encouraging freedom of social intercourse, fairly invites the subtle microbe of degeneracy to infect all ranks and conditions and render legislation especially necessary. No family can be safe while the currents of intermarriage spread without let or hindrance over the whole people. The ferment of immorality and disease will naturally burrow upward and diffuse itself eccentrically until all are contaminated, and the nation becomes enfeebled and degenerate.^

Science of Penology was adopted as a textbook at Yale University, in both the academic and theological schools, and at other institutions of learning.^

Many persons and organizations eulogized Boies following his death in 1903.^ Among them was a penal scholar. He lavishly praised The Science of Penology:

Mr Boies is likely to exert an influence surpassing that of any of his contemporaries, in moulding the thought and inspiring the energies of future generations with correct views regarding crime and the treatment of criminals. Thus, the Science of Penology must be regarded as a really monumental work; and, while Mr Boies in many ways served his day and generation, this book is the crowning work of his life and a useful public service which justly claims for its author a grateful and lasting memory.^

Boies’ entry in the Dictionary of American Biography (1928-1936) describes his books on penology as taking “relatively advanced positions with respect to the humanitarian treatment and reformation of offenders.”

Boies work was not merely the expression of his class position and the now-discredited ideology of eugenics. What Boies wrote, and the way what he wrote was read, documents a public style of communication. Boies’ “humanitarian treatment and reformation of offenders” was intended for a course of authoritative education for persons of a different class from offenders. Offenders themselves Boies described as objects that “must be got rid of.”

Sanders’ Investigation of Prison Communication Policies

face of a prisoner

One of the most extensive reports on prison communication policies in the twentieth century is an obscure work of an obscure government bureaucrat. In late 1912, J. J. Sanders, the Parole Clerk at the Arizona State Prison, on his own initiative surveyed mail policies in U.S. state prisons.^ Sanders subsequently published a ten-page pamphlet entitled Prison Reform. This pamphlet presented Sanders’ prisoner mail survey data, along with information about the expansion of Arizona State Prison’s library, its parole statistics, and some of Sanders’ opinions on penal reform.

Soon after beginning work at Arizona State Prison in late 1912 or early 1913, Sanders advocated unlimited daily mail for prisoners.^ Arizona State Prison soon adopted that change:

The present administration {in Arizona} inaugurated a daily mail for the prisoners. All inmates can now write as many letters to their relatives and friends as they wish. They are also at liberty to receive as many letters are written them by their friends and relatives, subject to ordinary inspection.

Arizona State Prison also began to provide prisoners with leading newspapers, magazines, and scientific books. Sanders applauded the effects of these changes. As a good bureaucrat, he also praised his boss:

The letters from mothers, sisters, brothers, relatives, and friends to the inmates always bring cheer and wholesome advice. This one avenue alone is working wonders in the upbuilding of the characters of all the men incarcerated here. Let me pause here to remark — and I say it with a full knowledge of the great and lasting results attained — if {Arizona} Gov. Hunt never did anything else for the convicts, their mothers, sisters, relatives, and friends, he would deserve a monument as rugged and lasting as the silent sentinel of Yavapai — Old Thumb Butte. Not only has the letter mail driven gloom and despair from within the gray walls, but the instructive features of our family newspapers and magazines have lent their balm to heal the sores caused by worry and blasted hopes.

Sanders associated personal letters, mass-media newspapers, and magazines as means of education:

If restrictions are placed on these great educators — personal letters, newspapers, and magazines — it at once becomes apparent that all such institutions employing this primitive method or custom are in a very backward condition, and it must necessarily follow that such prisons can not be rated other than as breeding places for crime. To change a man we must change the current of his thoughts, and this can be done only by education.^

The publishing industry historically has distinguished personal letters from newspapers, magazines, and books. Sanders seems to have had a social view of text and communication, a view now only starting to be realized in the Internet era.

About a year after publishing Prison Reform, Sanders published a second, longer pamphlet focused exclusively on prisoners’ mail. In that work, Sanders declared:

Nothing will make a person more morose and sullen than to be denied the God-given liberty of communication with his loved ones and his own dearest friends. The wonder to me is that there is not more riots in the penal institutions denying the inmates the privilege of communicating with their loved ones whenever they desire. Put yourself in the place of the one who is denied the right to write and receive letters, magazines, and newspapers. In ten days of such treatment you would be a fit subject for the alienists {antecedents of psychiatrists}, yet state governments expect to make persons fit for the day of liberty by these insane and abominable restrictions.^

Sanders again reported in full the results of his survey of state prisons’ policies for prisoners’ mail. In addition, Sanders quoted at length selected public figures’ views on restricting prisoners’ mail:

Although nearly every penal institution in the United States has in the past, or at least until recently, exercised regulations greatly restricting prisoners’ mail, it is difficult to conceive of any just or practicable reason for limiting the prisoners to writing or receiving of only one or two letters per month. To a man confined within prison walls a free and unlimited correspondence with friends and relatives on the outside should prove a very important factor for his betterment. I confidently look forward to the day when prisoners’ correspondence will be free from any numerical restrictions.

— George Wylie Hunt, Governor of Arizona

I could never see the sense of cutting a prisoner off from communication with the outside world, and believe that such a course long-continued tends to besodden the already resentful mind of the poor unfortunate man who has trespassed the law so that, for a time, he is taken from the walks of life and you return him later a meaner creature. I approve of my prisoners reading the daily papers whenever they can and believe that they are never hurt by keeping up with the events and happenings of the world, but, on the contrary, their minds are brightened with current literature, and I encourage social intercourse among them, let them play ball, football and the like; and, indoors, reading, writing to their loved ones, and indulging in music, for which I have allowed instruments for those with a talent.

— J. C. Gathings, Superintendent, Mississippi State Prison

In most prisons, prisoners are allowed to write one letter per month, and no more. … There is no reason under the blue sky why a convict should not be allowed to send out as many letters of a social nature as he cares to buy postage stamps for.

Elbert Hubbard, in The Fra, September, 1914

What good reason is there for any restriction of a prisoners’ mail, except to see that drugs, weapons and the like are not delivered to them? Restriction is the rule, however, rather than the exception. … These restrictions belong to the era — only now beginning to pass away — when the object of prison discipline was frankly to crush and dehumanize.

— George Horace Lorimer, editor, Saturday Evening Post, about Feb., 1914^

In the 1910s, a small, diverse group of citizens actively advocated for liberalization of prisoners’ mail. Ella Dann Moore, a bureaucrat at the U.S. Department of Agriculture, was a “Mother of the Movement” for prisoner mail liberalization.^ Sanders’ distinctive contribution to that movement was his collecting comprehensive data on prisoner mail policies in U.S. state prisons.

Sanders’ Connections to Arizona and National Politics

face of a prisoner

J. J. Sanders’ national survey of prisoner-mail policies fits into a broader policy initiative in Arizona. On March 1, 1912, George Wylie P. Hunt became the first governor of the newly formed state of Arizona. Governor Hunt was intensely interested in penal reform. On March 23, 1912, Hunt slept for a night in an Arizona prison cell. In addition to supporting liberalization of access to mail, newspapers, magazines, and books in the Arizona State Prison, Hunt in the months after his election abolished the use of ball-and-chains on prisoners and the prison rule of silence. He put convict labor to work on public-works projects outside the prison. A staunch opponent of capital punishment, Hunt granted reprieves to many prisoners facing death sentences. Hunt’s actions attracted national attention and some harsh criticism.^ ^

Sanders’ pamphlets supported Hunt’s reform program. Prison Reform provided parole statistics for the Arizona State Prison and discussed the success of parole. The pamphlet argued in favor of an “indefinite sentence” under which prisoners would be imprisoned only “until cured.” Sanders celebrated the new Arizona state constitution:

The writing of the Arizona constitution marks the beginning of a new epoch in American history. That bold instrument proclaimed the rights of men and deposed the dollar czar. The Nation has caught the spirit.

Sanders followed Hunt in strongly urging the Arizona legislature to abolish capital punishment:

A pagan custom of punishment still remains upon the statute books of this State. The pagans threw Christians to the wild beasts in the arena of ancient Rome or nailed them to crosses until they died. … Quit emulating these pagan Romans by having legal executions and get under the influence of twentieth century progress. Repeal all laws related to legal executions in this State.^

Arizona Senator Henry Fountain Ashurst inserted Sanders’ pamphlet into the U.S. Senate Record on October 21, 1913 . The pamphlet, however, apparently was nationally distributed before then. On Oct. 16, 1913, the Los Angeles Times published a satirical article entitled “Angelic Arizona Convicts.” The article quoted from Sanders’ pamphlet. It concluded:

If Sanders has his way altogether, then soap-box orators and other undesirables in Los Angeles are recommended to try a brake-beam or empty box car trip to Yuma or Parker, or across the river from the Needles {Arizona locations near the border with California}. There the seeker for a higher life can porch-climb, or burgle, or set fire to a barn, or ride away on another man’s horse. He can avoid the danger of being principal guest at a necktie party (which is still an occasional function among ancient Arizonians who have not assimilated the Sanders theory of criminals with high ideals) by giving himself up and pleading guilty, and he will then be ticketed for membership in the bright and shining band who set an example of grace and perfection and moral beauty to the dwellers of the Sun-kissed State {California}.^

The Los Angeles Times’ contemptuous attitude toward Sanders’ views probably also reflected hostility to Arizona Governor Hunt’s reforms.

Sanders apparently aspired to liberalize prisoner-mail regulations nationally. Sanders’ first pamphlet declared:

A State penal institution that places restrictions upon any of these great avenues of education {personal letters, newspapers, and magazines} other than ordinary inspection becomes a menace to the welfare of all the other States and in the interest of progress, justice, and twentieth-century enlightenment this mail restriction should be abolished.^

The claim of “menace to the welfare of all the other States” set up justification for the U.S. Congress to liberalize prisoner-mail regulations under the Postal Clause and the Commerce Clause of the U.S. Constitution. About September, 1914, Sanders apparently organized a petition to the U.S. Congress from the inmates of the Arizona State Prison. They asked Congress to liberalize prisoners’ mail in all prisons:

We, the undersigned inmates of the Arizona State Prison, enjoy the unlimited mail privilege. We know what it means. We know what it has done for us and what it will do for others. Appreciating, as we do, the wonderful help it would be to our fellow prisoners throughout the country, we are trying to do our little mite in their behalf. We are addressing our plea to the greatest legislative body in the world, and, in the name of humanity, progress, and enlightenment for which this country stands, we ask the enactment of a law removing the restrictions on all United States mail matter, in all the prisons, except inspection by proper officials.^

This petition was presented to Congress on September 28, 1914. The text of the petition is consistent with the diction, style, and ideas of Sanders. He probably wrote it. Congress, confronting the outbreak of what was to become the Great War, did not act on the Arizona prisoners’ petition for prisoner-mail liberalization across the U.S.